BUENOS AIRES — Argentine President Javier Milei signed an emergency decree this week authorizing U.S. Armed Forces personnel and equipment to operate on Argentine soil for joint military exercises, bypassing Congress to do so — a move that deepens the most significant U.S.-Argentina military partnership in decades and raises constitutional questions about executive overreach in defense matters.
Decree 264/2026, signed by Milei and his cabinet and published in Argentina’s Official Gazette on April 17, authorizes the joint military exercises Daga Atlántica and PASSEX with the United States military. The measure was issued through a Decree of Necessity and Urgency after Congress failed to act on a legislative bill Milei had previously submitted for the same purpose.
What the Exercises Involve
Operation Daga Atlántica runs from April 21 through June 12, 2026, and will be conducted across land, air, maritime, and river environments at multiple Argentine military installations, including Puerto Belgrano Naval Base, Córdoba Military Garrison, and the VII Air Brigade in Moreno, Buenos Aires province.
The exercise involves up to 150 Argentine special forces personnel from the Army’s Commando Companies, the Navy’s Amphibious Commando Group and Tactical Divers, and the Air Force’s Special Operations Group — working alongside U.S. Special Operations Command South.
Complementing Daga Atlántica, the naval PASSEX exercise runs April 26–30 in Argentina’s Exclusive Economic Zone, with U.S. participation including the USS Nimitz aircraft carrier and the USS Gridley destroyer operating alongside Argentine Navy units.
U.S. Air Force C-17 and C-130 transport aircraft have already arrived in Argentina ahead of the exercises.
The DNU Controversy
The constitutional mechanism Milei used to authorize the exercises is the central political flashpoint in Argentine politics.
Under Argentina’s constitution, the entry of foreign troops into national territory requires congressional approval. However, Milei’s government had submitted a legislative bill to authorize troop movements under a combined exercises program running from September 2025 through August 2026, but the Chamber of Deputies never scheduled it for debate.
The decree argues that “the exceptional nature of the situation makes it impossible to follow the ordinary procedures established in the National Constitution for the passage of laws” — the standard justification for a Decree of Necessity and Urgency under Article 99, Section 3 of Argentina’s constitution.
Argentine analysts note that the DNU is not an isolated act but part of a broader pattern — the use of executive tools to advance decisions in areas where Milei’s congressional support is insufficient or where the legislative calendar does not accommodate the administration’s timeline. Each use of a DNU in sensitive areas redefines, at least partially, the balance between branches of government.
The decree will be subject to review by Argentina’s bicameral congressional committee, which can reject it — but the exercises themselves are already underway, limiting any realistic window for reversal.
Geopolitics, Always...
The Daga Atlántica exercises are the most visible expression of a strategic realignment that Milei has pursued since taking office in December 2023.
Since before his arrival at the Casa Rosada, Milei has expressed total support for the United States and Israel, whom he considers his two primary geopolitical allies. As both countries entered the conflict with Iran, Milei deepened Argentina’s alignment and expelled Iran’s diplomatic representative from the country.
The decree frames Daga Atlántica as demonstrating Argentina’s commitment to regional stability and international security, “improving its reputation as a reliable partner.” It specifically cites the “invaluable” accumulated experience of U.S. Special Forces in combat operations as a resource for Argentine capabilities — language that signals a doctrinal as well as operational alignment with Washington.
The timing is significant. The exercises begin as the Trump administration is conducting joint military operations in Ecuador, expanding CIA activity in Mexico, operating Operation Southern Spear across the Caribbean and Eastern Pacific, and pressing Brazil over the designation of the PCC and Comando Vermelho as terrorist organizations.
Argentina under Milei has consistently positioned itself as Washington’s most willing security partner in South America — a role these exercises formalize in an unusually public way.
Argentina’s congress had previously authorized participation of Argentine forces in joint exercises with the United States in 2024, which included the deployment of the USS George Washington aircraft carrier in Argentine waters. The 2026 exercises mark a significant escalation in scale and scope — and in the political controversy surrounding them.
Bigger Picture
For Latin American governments that have resisted U.S. military presence on their soil — Mexico, Brazil, Colombia, Bolivia, Argentina’s posture under Milei represents the sharpest divergence from the regional norm in decades. While Sheinbaum is demanding explanations for CIA officers found operating in Chihuahua without federal authorization, Milei is signing decrees to invite U.S. special forces in through the front door.
That contrast is not minor. It reflects a deliberate repositioning of Argentina within the hemisphere’s security architecture — one that Washington has welcomed and that Milei’s domestic opponents argue was made without the democratic mandate that congressional approval would have provided.
The bicameral committee’s response, and whether Argentina’s opposition moves to formally reject the DNU, will determine whether this marks a durable shift in Argentine defense policy or a controversy that forces Milei to seek the legislative authorization he bypassed.
Sociedad Media is monitoring Argentina’s military alignment with Washington and U.S. security operations in Latin America. For tips and reporting, contact info@sociedadmedia.com
